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This is the first installment of a regular Q&A series with leading SCCEI-affiliated scholars about what the evidence tells us about China—and what’s missing from the debates shaping our understanding of the country. In this feature, economist Scott Rozelle explains why China's economic future may hinge on the hundreds of millions left out of its high-tech success story.
 


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Scott Rozelle, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and Faculty Director of the Rural Education Action Program at the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions, has spent decades studying China's rural and low-income populations. Author of Invisible China: How the Urban-Rural Divide Threatens China’s Rise, he examines why China's remarkable economic achievements have not translated into better opportunities for everyone, and what that means for the country's future.


 

1. How large is China’s low-income population, who are they, and what does economic life actually look like for them?


I think one of the things people outside China often don’t appreciate is just how many people are still struggling economically. We hear a lot about China’s growing middle class, and rightly so. But in 2020, China’s then-premier Li Keqiang pointed out that some 600 million Chinese had an average monthly income of just 1,000 yuan, or about $140. As Li himself observed, that’s barely enough to rent a room in a medium-sized Chinese city.

Who are these people? Many come from rural China. They tend to have relatively little formal education, and they work in construction, manufacturing, and increasingly, informal services. Ride-hailing drivers are one example. Many work 12-hour days or longer, amid growing competition and pressure on earnings.

The big issue is education across this workforce. One study we published shows only about 30% of China’s workforce had been to high school. Now compare that with countries that successfully moved from middle- to high-income status: on average, 72% of their workers had completed high school when they were still middle-income economies. Even countries that got stuck at middle-income levels averaged 36%. So China is starting with a less-educated workforce than many countries that never made the leap.

The big issue is education across this workforce—only about 30% of China’s workforce had been to high school.
Scott Rozelle

That’s a huge challenge for China. As the economy becomes more sophisticated, jobs increasingly require skills in math, science, computers, and language. Where are hundreds of millions of workers without those skills going to find decent jobs?

2. How have ordinary people’s views in China about opportunity and getting ahead changed?


For a long time, there was tremendous optimism in China, and for good reason. From the early 1990s through the early 2010s, the economy was growing at roughly 10% a year. Manufacturing and construction were booming, companies needed workers, and wages were rising. People could move from the countryside to the city, find work, and give their children opportunities they never had.

Here’s something interesting about inequality in China. For a long time, the gap between rich and poor was getting wider, but almost everyone was still getting ahead. Research by some of my Stanford colleagues found that between 1988 and 2018, the incomes of the poorest 10% of China’s adults increased fourfold. That’s extraordinary. Of course, people at the very top did much better—their incomes increased something like 30 times over the same period. But even people at the bottom were seeing their lives improve.

I think that helps explain why people tolerated so much inequality. If your own life is improving, you may not worry so much about how much richer someone else is getting. But what happens when that progress slows or stops?

In recent research with Martin Whyte at Harvard, we found a substantial increase in pessimism about future incomes and living standards, especially among people with less education.

Part of the explanation is what’s happened to the labor market. As wages rose, companies increasingly turned to contractors and informal workers to reduce costs. Our research found that informal employment rose from 33% of total employment in 2004 to 56% in 2017. That means fewer benefits, less job security, and more uncertainty.

Today, many less-educated workers are competing for jobs in delivery, ride-hailing, and other informal services. And when more people chase the same jobs, earnings come under pressure.

For decades, people assumed that if they worked hard, their lives would get better. Increasingly, they’re no longer so sure.

3. Are China’s high-tech successes and the struggles of its low-income population separate stories—or two sides of the same economic model?


I would say they’re both. Some of the problems facing low-income workers started long before the current push into high technology. But China’s emphasis on advanced manufacturing has intensified some of those challenges.

Think about what drove China’s growth for the first several decades of reform. China opened up to trade and foreign investment and became the world’s factory. Then came an enormous property boom, supported in part by local governments that depended on land sales for revenue and wanted to meet growth targets.

All of that created tremendous demand for relatively unskilled labor. You didn’t need a college degree to work in a factory or on a construction site. But over time, companies increasingly relied on informal labor, and wages for less-skilled workers began to stagnate.

Now add automation, robotics, and AI.

This past spring, I took a group of Stanford students to visit factories in China. We saw factories producing more than they had five years earlier, but with fewer than 20% as many workers. And nearly everyone on the factory floor had a vocational college or university degree.

We even visited a so-called dark factory. The production floor doesn’t need lights because there aren’t any workers there. Robots and AI do the manufacturing, while a handful of college graduates monitor everything from a control room.

It’s remarkable. China is becoming incredibly good at producing sophisticated goods. But these factories don’t need many workers, and the workers they do need are highly educated.

China’s technological success is real. But it doesn’t necessarily translate into better opportunities for the hundreds of millions of people who helped build the old economy.
Scott Rozelle

So China’s technological success is real. But it doesn’t necessarily translate into better opportunities for the hundreds of millions of people who helped build the old economy.

4. As China’s era of property-led growth ends, Beijing is betting on advanced manufacturing, green tech, pharma, and other new industries. Are they creating jobs for workers from the old economy?


The short answer is no—not nearly enough, and certainly not for the workers who need those jobs most.

China’s manufacturing output continues to grow, but manufacturing employment began declining in the mid-2010s. That’s what happens when factories become more automated: you can produce more with fewer people.

But the much bigger shock has come from the collapse of the property sector. For years, construction was an enormous source of employment for workers with relatively little education. Now that sector has contracted dramatically. Official figures indicate that roughly 10 million migrant workers left construction in 2022 and 2023 alone.

So where do these workers go?

You might think they could return to the countryside and start farming again. But nearly 80% of rural workers under 40 have never farmed. They don’t know how, and they have no intention of doing so.

Instead, many are moving into the informal economy—delivering food, driving cars, doing whatever work they can find. As more people enter these sectors, competition increases and earnings come under pressure.

Meanwhile, the new industries China is investing in—electric vehicles, semiconductors, pharmaceuticals—need relatively few workers, and many of those jobs require specialized skills.

The new industries China is investing in—electric vehicles, semiconductors, pharmaceuticals—need relatively few workers, and many of those jobs require specialized skills.
Scott Rozelle

So there’s a huge mismatch. China is investing heavily in the industries of the future, but those industries aren’t creating enough opportunities for workers displaced from the industries of the past.

And that matters enormously. If hundreds of millions of people see their incomes stagnate or decline, that’s going to affect consumption, economic growth, and potentially social stability.

5. Can China sustain its economic success without substantially improving the prospects of “the rest”?


I think this is really the central question.

China has accomplished extraordinary things. It’s a global leader in electric vehicles, batteries, solar panels, and increasingly robotics and AI. Nobody should underestimate those achievements.

But there’s a difference between having world-class industries and becoming a high-income economy.

Look at countries that successfully made that transition—South Korea, Singapore, Ireland, and others. They had relatively well-educated workforces. They weren’t just producing sophisticated goods; they were creating economies in which large shares of the population had the skills to participate in higher-productivity work.

China faces a much harder challenge because hundreds of millions of its workers have relatively little education.

And there’s another issue: China’s government does much less than governments in other countries to redistribute income. One study found that taxes and transfers reduce the income share of China’s richest 10% by only about 4%. In the United States, that reduction is closer to 20%, and in France it’s about 25%.

And redistribution isn't just about fairness. Lower-income households tend to spend a larger share of any additional income they receive, while wealthier households are more likely to save it. That means putting more money in the hands of poorer families could also help China boost household consumption

So could China do more through its tax system, social insurance, and public services, rather than relying so heavily on growth to lift people’s incomes?

If a large share of the population isn’t seeing meaningful income growth, household consumption will remain constrained. That makes it harder to sustain growth through domestic demand. And growing pessimism about the future creates social and political challenges as well.

The World Bank has shown that relatively few countries successfully escape the middle-income trap. Is China headed in that direction? Not inevitably. It has enormous strengths, including its technological capabilities, infrastructure, and manufacturing base.

But I don’t think China can simply innovate its way out of this problem. It also has to improve the education, skills, and economic opportunities of the hundreds of millions of people who aren’t participating in the high-tech boom.

I don’t think China can simply innovate its way out of this problem. It also has to improve the education, skills, and economic opportunities of the hundreds of millions of people who aren’t participating in the high-tech boom.
Scott Rozelle

China’s future won’t be determined just by how successful its best companies become. It will also depend on what happens to the rest of its population.



This article was edited for clarity and brevity with support from ChatGPT. All outputs were reviewed by humans and the final expression was produced by the authors.

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Scott Rozelle explains why China's economic future may hinge on the hundreds of millions left out of its high-tech success story.

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The emergence of artificial intelligence (AI) has heightened interest in personalizing computer assisted learning (CAL) programs to tailor their instruction to individual students. Despite the proliferation of AI-driven CAL programs, evidence for their effectiveness remains limited. We present findings from a field experiment in rural China examining whether an AI-driven personalized CAL program improves student achievement. We randomly assign 8647 students from 315 primary school classes to one of three treatment arms: (i) AI-CAL, (ii) non-personalized CAL (active control), and (iii) non-CAL educational activities (pure control). Results indicate that AI-CAL does not significantly improve achievement, with estimates precise enough to rule out non-trivial positive effects. This finding holds across the difficulty of assessment items and across the baseline achievement of students. If anything, AI-CAL might be less effective than non-personalized CAL for students in the middle tercile of baseline achievement. These findings call for caution when scaling AI-driven educational technologies.
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Economics of Education Review
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Tianli Feng
Prashant Loyalka
Scott Rozelle
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Background: 
Early motherhood is a critical yet vulnerable life stage shaped by intersecting individual, familial, societal and structural challenges. Existing research often overlooks the multiple everyday stressors mothers experience across ecological domains. This study explores the lived experiences of mothers in urban China, using an ecological framework to examine the multi-level challenges they face during the first three years after childbirth.

Methods: 
In-depth interviews were conducted with 50 mothers of children aged 0–3 years recruited from nine community and township health centers and one childcare program for a migrant community in Shanghai, China, during well-child visits. Interviews were guided by an ecological framework and analyzed using thematic analysis.

Results: 
Challenges clustered across ecological levels, including postpartum physical health problems, caregiving burden, limited family and social support, work–childcare tension and constrained services, and information and financial constraints. These challenges manifested as common themes that negatively affected maternal wellbeing and the child nurturing environment.

Conclusions: 
These findings highlight that the challenges mothers experience extend beyond the individual level to family and institutional contexts, underscoring the need for coordinated interventions from individual support to family- and system-level services.

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International Journal for Equity in Health
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Scott Rozelle
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Maternal mental health issues are pervasive in rural China, yet community-based interventions are scarce. To address this gap, we developed the Thinking Healthy Extended Program, a nonspecialist-led intervention designed to promote mental health among female caregivers of children under the age of three, including mothers and grandmothers, in resource-constrained areas of China. Drawing on an adapted Stages of Implementation Science framework, this study describes the Exploration and Installation phases of a four-phase intervention development process. During the Exploration phase, we assessed caregivers’ mental health needs and preferences for intervention delivery through in-depth interviews. The Installation phase comprised three stages: developing the overall curriculum structure, identifying and validating curriculum topics, and integrating these topics into a comprehensive curriculum based on feedback from interviews, focus group discussions, and cognitive walkthroughs. The development process took place from 2022 to 2024 in a prefecture in southwestern China and involved 73 caregivers of children aged 6-36 months. The resulting 24-session curriculum integrates simplified cognitive reframing techniques, behavioral activation, caregiving skills, and peer support. This study demonstrates the feasibility of a systematic and participatory approach to developing a mental health intervention for low-resource populations.

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SSM - Mental Health
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Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
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Theories of democratic diffusion predict that exposure to liberal democracies fosters support for political liberalism, while recent studies on Chinese overseas students suggest studying abroad generates backlash against liberal values. Using a unique four-year longitudinal dataset of nearly 1,000 Chinese college students in China and the United States, we examine how studying abroad shapes students’ ideology, attitudes, and identity. Our findings challenge both perspectives. Students who study in the United States are already more politically liberal, market-oriented, and cosmopolitan, and less nationalistic than their peers upon departure, underscoring the importance of selection. Ideological preferences remain remarkably stable throughout college, regardless of location. However, support for China’s political system and affective identification with Chinese national identity declines among students in both countries from 2022 to 2023, with a greater decline among students in the United States. These results show that selection, home-country shocks, and host-country context jointly shape overseas students’ political attitudes.

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British Journal of Political Science
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Jennifer Pan
Yiqing Xu
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Background
Mental health problems among young children have become a common public health issue worldwide. As the family plays a crucial role in creating a favorable environment for children’s mental health, the parenting style of caregivers is a key factor related to children’s mental health issues. This study aims to examine the associations between parenting styles of primary caregivers and the mental health of their primary school child in rural China and identifies the factors that may influence the adoption of different parenting styles.

Methods
Data were collected from 1,298 primary school children (aged 9–11) and their primary caregivers in northwestern China. The primary caregivers completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire, the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, and a socio-demographic questionnaire. The cognitive development of children was measured using the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence-Fourth Edition, and the non-cognitive development of children was evaluated using the Ages and Stages Questionnaire: Social-Emotional. We performed descriptive statistics, linear regression analysis, and multivariable regression analysis.

Results
Our data showed that 17% of the sampled children exhibited total difficulty problems. The results indicated that authoritative parenting style was negatively associated with child mental health problems. In contrast, authoritarian parenting style was positively associated with child mental health problems. Analysis of combined parenting styles revealed that the combinations that included relatively more intensive authoritative parenting styles was associated with reduced incidence of child mental health problems. In contrast, the combinations that were found to have relatively more authoritarian parenting styles were associated with higher rates of mental health issues among children. Demographic characteristics, such as child gender, child developmental outcomes, child attending preschools, identity of primary caregiver, and family economic status, that were associated with the adoption of different parenting styles.

Conclusions
The study indicates that an authoritative parenting style is positively associated child mental health outcomes. Likewise, when authoritative strategies are more prominent within combined parenting styles, the likelihood that a child will experience mental health problems decreases. In contrast, the more dominant authoritarian behaviors are, the greater the risk of child mental health problems. Therefore, primary caregivers should be encouraged to adopt more positive parenting styles, which can help promote better outcomes of child mental health.

1,2, 1,✉, 3, 4, 5, 6

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BMC Psychology
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Scott Rozelle
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In rural China, there is an urgent need for investment and innovative approaches for addressing adolescent mental health issues. This embedded mixed-methods study examines the effectiveness of a social-emotional learning (SEL) program in rural primary schools across China and the factors affecting compliance among teachers delivering the program. Pre- and post-intervention surveys assessed its effect on 2027 students in 49 schools, and 38 teachers were interviewed during the intervention. Results show that SEL courses improved student mental health. Some teachers reported increased workload and lack of support, while others noted the importance of mental health education and positive student outcomes. Performance incentives and the positive perceptions of SEL among teachers were crucial for effective delivery, though workload and lack of support often limited commitment. Overall, enhancing rural students' well-being through SEL programs requires raising awareness for SEL among teachers and building institutional support.

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Teaching and Teacher Education
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Tianli Feng
Huan Wang
Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
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Purpose
While peer effects in education have been extensively studied in developed countries, there has been limited investigation of how physical proximity shapes academic achievement in rural educational settings. This study examines peer effects among primary school students in rural China and investigates whether these effects operate differently across student ability levels through distinct mechanisms.

Design/methodology/approach
Data from 2,956 primary school students across rural counties in Shaanxi Province, China, were analyzed. We employ an instrumental variable approach using physical distance between students in classroom seating arrangements to address endogeneity in peer group formation. Study group formation is measured through student-reported study partnerships, while academic performance is assessed using standardized mathematics test scores.

Findings
Study groups significantly enhance student achievement, with heterogeneous effects across ability levels. Middle tercile students show the strongest peer effects (0.318 standard deviations), compared to bottom tercile students (0.241 standard deviations). Mechanism analysis reveals that peer effects operate primarily through improved intrinsic motivation, enhanced self-concept, and reduced academic anxiety among middle-performing students, while effects for bottom tercile students operate through alternative pathways not captured in our measures.

Research limitations/implications
Our findings inform cost-efficient policy interventions in both educational institutions and corporate environments. The evidence indicates that optimizing spatial proximity in peer networks represents an efficient policy instrument for human capital accumulation, particularly valuable in resource-constrained settings, as it leverages existing human capital without substantial additional inputs.

Originality/value
This study provides the first evidence of peer effects using classroom seating arrangements as an identification strategy in a developing country/rural community context. The paper demonstrates that optimizing peer proximity represents a cost-efficient policy instrument for human capital development in resource-constrained rural areas, offering important implications for educational policy in agricultural communities where traditional educational resources are limited.

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China Agricultural Economic Review
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Scott Rozelle
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Caregivers' ability to access, engage with, and critically evaluate digital information on parenting practices (henceforth, “e-parenting literacy”) is emerging as an increasingly important determinant of early childhood development (ECD) outcomes. Therefore, the current study provides empirical evidence of the role of e-parenting literacy for ECD outcomes of 6- to 24-month-olds (N = 564) in rural households in a coastal province in East-China. The study focuses on the role of e-parenting literacy of the two most common types of primary caregivers (i.e., persons in charge of the daily care) of young children in the study region: mother and grandmother caregivers. Empirical results show that 76% of the primary caregivers (N = 429) are mothers, the remaining 135 primary caregivers are grandmothers. Overall, e-parenting literacy is found to be positively and significantly associated with children's early cognitive development outcomes. Furthermore, a heterogeneity analysis shows that e-parenting literacy is positively and significantly associated with children's early cognitive and language outcomes when the primary caregiver is a grandmother, but not when the primary caregiver is a mother. This may reflect greater heterogeneity in grandmothers' digital device use and e-parenting literacy, while most mothers already possess adequate e-parenting skills. Additionally, older children (i.e., 16- to 24-month-olds), who may require more advanced parenting skills than their slightly younger peers, are also found to benefit more from gains in e-parenting literacy. This research highlights how digital inclusion can help to bridge gaps in caregiving practices and developmental opportunities of young children growing up in developing settings.

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International Journal of Social Welfare
Authors
Yun Shen
Scott Rozelle
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Authors Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li join podcast host Peter Lorentzen to discuss their new book, The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China. The book offers a detailed, research-driven look at the gaokao — China's high-stakes college entrance exam that determines university placement for millions of students each year.

Peter Lorentzen, a former SCCEI Visiting Scholar and economics professor at the University of San Francisco, hosts the New Books Network podcast. In this episode, he speaks with Jia and Li about their findings and what the gaokao reveals about education, opportunity, and society in China

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