Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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Governments, markets, and analysts in the United States and around the world frequently find themselves surprised by China’s capabilities in industries central to economic and national security—from artificial intelligence and robotics to pharmaceuticals, advanced manufacturing, and strategic supply chains. Episodes widely described as “DeepSeek moments” reflect more than isolated breakthroughs; they reveal a systematic failure to understand how China builds technological capacity and scales it with speed. At the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' third annual China Conference, leading academics and policy experts examined both the phenomenon and the repercussions of those assumptions. A common thread emerged: the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

A Sweeping Tech Ambition with Self-Sufficiency at the Core
Barry Naughton, a leading economist of China at UC San Diego, framed the stakes: China’s innovation apparatus, he argued, is not simply a set of R&D programs—it is part of an “across-the-board commitment” to recreate within China’s borders all of the sophisticated inputs required to run a modern economy. The goal, embedded in successive five-year plans, is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

This ambition carries enormous costs. Fiscal revenues as a share of GDP have fallen by roughly seven percentage points since 2015, Naughton noted, as resources have been channeled into industrial priorities. Local governments—many of them carrying deep deficits—continue to fund showy high-tech parks and innovation consortia in response to signals from Beijing. The result, as Naughton and others put it, is a system producing “impressive achievements alongside an enormous amount of waste.”

The goal is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

Semiconductors: The Limits of Containment?
The conference returned repeatedly to America’s use of export controls—and whether they are working. The verdict was nuanced. Philip Wong, the Willard R. and Inez Kerr Bell Professor of Electrical Engineering at Stanford, argued that in the semiconductor space the strategy has plainly backfired. By cutting China’s firms off from American chip-making equipment and advanced logic chips, the controls created a large captive domestic market for China’s equipment suppliers who previously had no customers. “It basically enabled the indigenous supply chains to have a wonderful set of customers within China,” Wong said, “and so they were able to climb up the learning curve really quickly, much more quickly than before.” Other speakers suggested that may be a tolerable cost as long as export controls allow the US to reach certain frontier capabilities first—as has been the case with Anthropic’s Mythos model.

Wong pushed back on both alarmism and dismissiveness about China's broader technological rise. China, he argued, has genuine world-class talent and infrastructure across multiple sectors—a peer competitor, not a pretender. "If you are among the best athletes, sometimes you win, sometimes other people win. That happens all the time." To treat any given Chinese breakthrough as proof of American collapse, or to wave it away as a fluke, both miss the point: China is, in his words, "a bona fide good athlete."

Wong’s recommended alternative to export controls was direct: rather than trying to slow a competitor, the United States should focus on “how do we make ourselves run faster.” That sentiment echoed throughout the day, particularly after he noted that the National Science Board had recently been dismissed and that American R&D funding continues to be primarily focused on defense-oriented research. 

Biotech: From Follower to Leading Force
Physician-scientist Chenjian Li, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, offered striking data on China’s advancement in biotech. In the active pharmaceutical ingredients that form the basis of medicines taken by hundreds of millions of Americans daily, China has achieved near-total global dominance—some categories are 100% Chinese-sourced. “Medicine, be it advanced experimental drugs, high-end prescriptions or just daily over-the-counter pills, are actually much more impactful than weapons of mass destruction,” Li said, “because they affect 80% of the United States and global population.”

At the cutting edge of drug discovery, the picture is more nuanced but equally notable. Chinese biotech startups are increasingly producing competitive "me-too, me-better" drugs that improve on existing treatments, and pushing into "first-in-class" drugs—the crown jewels of pharmaceutical innovation. Major multinational corporations (MNCs) are paying billions to acquire them. The fact that Pfizer, Merck, and Eli Lilly are spending at this scale, Li argued, says something important: “The MNCs buy those new therapeutic assets because they are solid and unique, and because the MNCs don’t think that they can be as fast and as good in those lines.”

Economist Ruixue Jia of UC San Diego connected this pharmaceutical surge to China’s education system, which has spent decades steering enormous numbers of students toward engineering and STEM fields, including biology and life sciences. The founder of one of last year’s biggest biotech deals—a $5.6 billion transaction—fit a pattern Jia’s research keeps finding: educated in China, PhD in Canada, postdoc in the United States, returned to China in 2008. “It’s not just a success story of Chinese education,” she noted. “It’s also a success story of North American education.”

Fragmentation and the AI Race
A central tension runs through the broader debate: what do the world’s two largest economies actually gain or lose from their escalating technological confrontation?

Tsinghua economist Hong Ma argued that, measured by its own goals, the American trade war has largely failed. US import dependence on Chinese value-added has remained roughly constant despite years of tariffs, as goods simply reroute through third countries. Beyond tariffs, he warned of a longer-term cost: fragmentation into two separate innovation ecosystems, neither large enough to fully benefit from the other. The US would lose access to the Chinese market, Chinese engineering feedback, and the scale that sustains rapid innovation. “On both sides,” he said, “this is not the optimal equilibrium.”

Panelists pointed to China’s open-weight AI models as evidence of a different kind of competition playing out below the frontier. China’s models from Alibaba, Moonshot AI, and others are being used across the globe—often simply because they are cheaper and good enough for most applications. In this way, big US labs may be ahead on raw benchmarks, but that advantage does not automatically translate into leading global adoption.

The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

Impressive Achievements, Costly Failures
Another useful synthesis came from Scott Kennedy of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Kennedy’s “bumpy success” framework holds that China’s innovation trajectory is clearly positive—it now ranks tenth globally on the Innovation Index, ahead of Japan in the Asia-Pacific—but deeply uneven across sectors. He described China as a “slow tech dragon”: vast misallocation of resources produces genuine breakthroughs alongside enormous waste, and that waste is a real drag on the broader economy. Commercial aviation was one such example—despite being a signature priority for China’s leadership and the single largest recipient of state investment, the result is, in Kennedy’s words, “an American plane with Chinese paint.” The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

That framework—impressive achievements, structural waste, uneven outcomes—runs as a quiet undercurrent through the broader debate. Structural challenges remain: a domestic market that cannot yet absorb the premium prices of cutting-edge drugs; an education system optimized for solving known problems rather than identifying unknown ones; and an economy in which the benefits of technological investment are not yet reaching ordinary households.

The picture that emerges resists easy predictions, but carries a clear message: the old frameworks—China as technological follower, export controls as sufficient means to maintain America’s remaining technological edge, global supply chains as something susceptible to political redirection—often no longer fit the evidence. The task now is building better ones.
 



Discover more from the 2026 SCCEI China Conference. 
 


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SCCEI brought together leading China scholars this spring for its third annual China Conference under the theme “Understanding ‘DeepSeek Moments’ and China’s Innovation Ecosystem.” Conversation centered around the idea that the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

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China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
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The rise of social media in the digital era poses unprecedented challenges to authoritarian regimes that aim to influence public attitudes and behaviors. To address these challenges, we argue that authoritarian regimes have adopted a decentralized approach to produce and disseminate propaganda on social media. In this model, tens of thousands of government workers and insiders are mobilized to produce and disseminate propaganda, and content flows in a multidirectional, rather than a top-down manner. We empirically demonstrate the existence of this new model in China by creating a novel data set of over five million videos from over 18,000 regime-affiliated accounts on Douyin, a popular social media platform in China. This paper supplements prevailing understandings of propaganda by showing theoretically and empirically how digital technologies are transforming not only the content of propaganda, but also how propaganda materials are produced and disseminated.

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Jennifer Pan
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A growing body of research on large language models (LLMs) has identified various biases, primarily in contexts where biases reflect societal patterns. This article focuses on a different source of bias in LLMs—government censorship. By comparing foundation models developed in China and those from outside China, we find substantially higher rates of refusal to respond, shorter responses, and inaccurate responses to a battery of 145 political questions in China-originating models. These disparities diminish for less-sensitive prompts, showing that technological and market differences cannot fully explain this divergence. While all models exhibit higher refusal to respond rates with Chinese-language prompts than English ones, language differences are less pronounced than disparities between China-originating and non-China-originating models. We caution that our study is observational and cross-sectional and does not establish a causal linkage between regulatory pressures and censorship behaviors of China-originating LLMs, but these results suggest that censorship through government regulation requiring companies to restrict political content may be an important factor contributing to political bias in LLMs.

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Jennifer Pan
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This article studies whether pure legality, stripped of normative components that are central to the rule of law, can convey perceived legitimacy to governmental institutions and activity. Through a survey experiment conducted among urban Chinese residents, it examines whether such conveyance is possible under current sociopolitical conditions in which the party-state continues to invest in pure legality without imposing legal checks on the party leadership’s political power and without corresponding investment in substantive rights or freedoms. Among survey respondents, government investment in professional and consistent law enforcement conveys meaningful amounts of political legitimacy. In fact, it does so even when it supports government activity, such as censorship of online speech, that is freedom depriving and socially controversial and even when such investment does not necessarily enhance the external predictability of state behavior. However, the legitimacy-enhancing effects of pure legality are likely weaker than those of state investment in procedural justice.

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The Journal of Legal Studies
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Yiqing Xu

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Joshua Rosenzweig serves as Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' Senior Associate Director, overseeing the center’s operations and administration. Before Stanford, Josh spent over a decade in Hong Kong, holding a series of leadership roles at Amnesty International's East Asia Regional Office. As Head of Office, he had executive oversight of operations for a team of 25–30 staff, and, as Deputy Regional Director, he directly managed teams of researchers and led the organization's Greater China program. He has also led research projects on labor practices in Chinese supply chains and on China's criminal justice system. Josh holds a Ph.D. in China Studies from the Chinese University of Hong Kong and speaks Mandarin at an advanced professional level.

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Book cover "The Hghest Exam"

Each year, more than ten million students across China pin their hopes on the gaokao, the nationwide college entrance exam. Unlike in the United States, where standardized tests are just one factor, in China college admission is determined entirely by gaokao performance. It is no wonder the test has become a national obsession.

Drawing on extensive surveys, historical research, and economic analysis, and informed by Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li’s own experiences of the gaokao gauntlet, The Highest Exam reveals how China’s education system functions as a centralized tournament. It explains why preparation for the gaokao begins even before first grade—and why, given its importance for upward mobility, Chinese families are behaving rationally when they devote immense quantities of money and effort to acing the test. It shows how the exam system serves the needs of the Chinese Communist Party and drives much of the country’s economic growth. And it examines the gaokao’s far-reaching effects on China’s society, as the exam’s promise of meritocracy encourages citizens to focus on individual ability at the expense of considering socioeconomic inequalities.

What’s more, as the book makes clear, the gaokao is now also shaping debates around education in the United States. As Chinese-American families bring the expectations of the highest exam with them, their calls for objective, transparent metrics in the education system increasingly clash with the more holistic measures of achievement used by American schools and universities.

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Combining personal narratives with decades of research, a vivid account of how the gaokao—China’s high-stakes college admissions test—shapes that society and influences education debates in the United States.

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Hongbin Li
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Imagine one test deciding your future. For millions of students in China every year, that test is the gaokao—the national university entrance exam and one of the most competitive educational systems in the world. Published by Harvard University Press in Fall 2025, The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China, takes readers inside this high-stakes exam and uncovers how it has shaped families, careers, and even the nation itself.

Written by leading scholars Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li, with writer and researcher Claire Cousineau, the book combines rigorous research with compelling personal narratives to reveal how the gaokao has become much more than a test: it is a tool to shape China’s society and economy.

The gaokao has long been considered one of the world’s most consequential educational exams. Each year, tens of millions of students sit for this high-stakes test that determines access to universities, career opportunities, and pathways of social mobility. The Highest Exam traces the gaokao’s historical origins and evolution, showing how it became deeply intertwined with China’s governance, social strata, and economy. 

Through empirical analysis and personal narrative, the book illustrates how the exam system reflects broader themes in Chinese society: the pursuit of meritocracy, the tension between equality and advantage, and the state’s reliance on education to reinforce legitimacy. The authors aptly identify China’s education system as a centralized hierarchical tournament, returning to this framework in each section of the book: familystate, and society

The Highest Exam also brings a comparative lens, contrasting China’s exam-driven system with education practices in the United States and beyond. It raises urgent questions about fairness, access, and the role of education in shaping societies—questions that resonate far beyond China’s borders.

Engaging and deeply researched, The Highest Exam is essential reading for anyone interested in education, global society, or the forces shaping the next generation.



About the Authors
 

Ruixue Jia is Professor of Economics at the School of Global Policy and Strategy, University of California, San Diego.

Hongbin Li is Co-director of Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions, and a Senior Fellow of Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR) and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) at Stanford University.

Claire Cousineau is a writer and former researcher at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions, she is currently pursuing her MBA at Duke University.



Availability


The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China is available now for purchase from Amazon and elsewhere.  



Upcoming Book Event


Join us on Tuesday, October 21 at 4 PM (Pacific) for a fireside chat with co-authors Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li. The fireside chat will be held in-person in the Bechtel Conference Center and livestreamed for virtual attendees. Learn More & Register
 


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"The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China", written by Ruixue Jia, Hongbin Li, and Claire Cousineau, combines rigorous research with compelling personal narratives to reveal how the gaokao has become much more than a test: it is a tool to shape China’s society and economy.

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Join us for a fireside chat with co-authors Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li who will discuss their most recent book, The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China. The fireside chat will be held in-person in the Bechtel Conference Center and livestreamed for virtual attendees. After the fireside chat, we invite in-person attendees to join us for a light reception and book signing with Hongbin Li. Order your copy of the book here.

Join the webinar to watch the event live:

Webinar ID: 985 1962 7327
Passcode: 361163
 


The Highest Exam book cover.

Each year, more than ten million students across China pin their hopes on the gaokao, the nationwide college entrance exam. Unlike in the United States, where standardized tests are just one factor, in China college admission is determined entirely by gaokao performance. It is no wonder the test has become a national obsession.

Drawing on extensive surveys, historical research, and economic analysis, and informed by Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li’s own experiences of the gaokao gauntlet, The Highest Exam reveals how China’s education system functions as a centralized tournament that serves the needs of the Chinese Communist Party and drives much of the country’s economic growth. The book examines the gaokao’s far-reaching effects on China’s society and beyond. As Chinese-American families bring the expectations of the highest exam with them, their calls for objective, transparent metrics in the education system increasingly clash with the more holistic measures of achievement used by American schools and universities.



About the Authors
 

Hongbin Li

Hongbin Li is the Co-director of Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions, and a Senior Fellow of Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. Li obtained his Ph.D. in economics from Stanford University in 2001 before joining the economics department at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK). He was also one of the two founding directors of the Institute of Economics and Finance at the CUHK. He taught at Tsinghua University from 2007 to 2016 in the School of Economics and Management and was the founder and Executive Associate Director of the China Social and Economic Data Center. 

Li’s research has been focused on the transition and development of the Chinese economy, and the evidence-based research results have been both widely covered by media outlets and well read by policy makers around the world. He is currently the co-editor of the Journal of Comparative Economics and co-author of the book, The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China, published by Harvard University Press.
 

Ruixue Jia headshot.

Ruixue Jia is a professor of economics at the School of Global Policy and Strategy at UC San Diego. She also serves as Co-director of the China Data Lab, executive secretary of the Association of Comparative Economic Studies (ACES) and co-chair of the China Economic Summer Institute (CESI). 

Jia’s research lies at the intersections of economics, history and politics, with a focus on how power structures evolve and shape economic development. Her recent work examines the political economy of idea formation and diffusion, including the interplay between the state, education, science and technology. She is the co-author of The Highest Exam, a book that explores how China’s education system both mirrors and molds its society.
 

Headshot of Claire Cousineau.

Claire Cousineau  is a writer and former researcher at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions, she is currently pursuing her MBA at Duke University.

Since studying and working in Beijing and Kunming, Claire is passionate about fostering a deeper public understanding of China’s role on the global stage and creating cross-cultural relationships. Claire is the co-author of the book, The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China, along with Hongbin Li and Ruixue Jia, published by Harvard University Press in 2025. 
 



Bechtel Conference Center
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616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford University

or via Livestream

Ruixue Jia

John A. and Cynthia Fry Gunn Building, 366 Galvez Street
Stanford, CA 94305-6015

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Faculty Co-director of the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions
Professor, by courtesy, of Economics
Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Senior Fellow at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research
Faculty Affiliate at the King Center of Global Development
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Hongbin Li is the Co-director of Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions, and a Senior Fellow of Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR) and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI).

Hongbin obtained Ph.D. in economics from Stanford University in 2001 and joined the economics department of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), where he became full professor in 2007. He was also one of the two founding directors of the Institute of Economics and Finance at the CUHK. He taught at Tsinghua University in Beijing 2007-2016 and was C.V. Starr Chair Professor of Economics in the School of Economics and Management. He also founded and served as the Executive Associate Director of the China Social and Economic Data Center at Tsinghua University. He founded the Chinese College Student Survey (CCSS) in 2009 and the China Employer-Employee Survey (CEES) in 2014.

Hongbin’s research has been focused on the transition and development of the Chinese economy, and the evidence-based research results have been both widely covered by media outlets and well read by policy makers around the world. He is currently the co-editor of the Journal of Comparative Economics and co-author of the forthcoming book, “The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China” published by Harvard University Press.

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SCCEI Senior Research Scholar Chenggang Xu’s latest book, Institutional Genes: Origins of China's Institutions and Totalitarianism, offers a reinterpretation of China’s political and institutional development. Drawing from decades of research, Xu introduces the concept of "institutional genes"—the enduring foundational structures that shape and constrain how institutions evolve. Through this lens, he examines the emergence and evolution of China’s current communist totalitarian institution, contending that substantial parts of its "institutional genes" were implanted by Soviet Russia, building upon a longstanding tradition of authoritarian rule dating back to imperial China.

Book cover: Institutional Genes: Origins of China's Institutions and Totalitarianism by Chenggang Xu

With insights spanning political economy, institutional economics, and history, Institutional Genes presents a compelling account of why China’s institutions have taken their particular form—why they have resisted democratization—and why its economic reforms have risen and fallen. Xu’s work will appeal to scholars, policymakers, and general readers seeking a deeper understanding of how China’s past continues to shape its political trajectory today. 

Institutional Genes: Origins of China's Institutions and Totalitarianism, previously published in Chinese, is currently available for pre-order and will be published and available to the public on August 21, 2025. For more from Xu, read his recent essay, The Origins of China’s Institutions and Totalitarianism, based on his forthcoming book.


    

Headshot of Dr. Chenggang Xu.

Chenggang Xu

Senior Research Scholar, Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions
About the Author

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SCCEI Senior Research Scholar Chenggang Xu’s latest book, "Institutional Genes: Origins of China's Institutions and Totalitarianism", explores the origins and evolution of China's institutions and communist totalitarianism.

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The second annual SCCEI China Conference, held at Stanford University on May 14, brought together leading scholars and policy experts to engage in a lively discussion on the evolving contours of China’s strategic posture in an ever-changing global economy. Amid a shifting geopolitical and economic landscape, panelists examined how structural shocks—ranging from trade fragmentation to military realignments—are forcing a reassessment of long-standing assumptions. The conference offered a candid, multifaceted view of China's global economic position, exploring its technological prowess, industrial diplomacy, and the increasingly complex global responses to its expanding influence.

Groping Towards a New Great Power Equilibrium
The era of a unipolar security order led by the U.S. and a laissez-faire economic regime anchored in globalization is over. Its demise was hastened by three structural shocks: U.S. backlash to trade liberalization, China’s sweeping industrial policies, and its growing military assertiveness. In the U.S., political support for trade collapsed while China’s Made in China 2025 industrial policies brought about “a large shift in the global production map.” China’s security alignment with Russia, and militarization of regional waters, recast its rise as a national security threat. As one panelist put it, “the dominant role China plays in supply chains now has a national security valence.”

Compounding the matter for one panelist is the weakening of U.S. allies. The U.S comprises just 5% of the global population but accounts for 25% of global GDP and 50% of global military spending. Meanwhile Europe’s share of GDP has dropped from 30% to 17%, even as it shoulders nearly 50% of global social spending—much of it underwritten by U.S. security guarantees. U.S. domestic spending has risen unsustainably from $3.7 trillion under George W. Bush to over $7 trillion, requiring a necessary rebalancing, even if it is messy and unpopular.

U.S. expectations that economic integration would liberalize China have proven wrong and misguided assumptions continue to mar relations. One panelist noted that in Beijing “political concerns are more important than economic interests.” In the latest trade war with the Trump administration, China resisted concessions, prioritizing regime legitimacy and national pride. Conceding on trade isn’t just an economic loss—it would be an unacceptable “political surrender to Western capitalism.”

As the U.S. and China grope for a new equilibrium, one panelist concluded, “if we can get to cold war, we’re good. Cold wars are not hot, and they allow for cooperation.” 

In Beijing, political concerns are more important than economic interests.

Slowing Growth, Thriving Tech
Despite slowing economic growth, China’s industrial and tech strength remains formidable. Its economy is ~75% the size of the U.S. in dollar terms, but China accounts for 33% of global manufacturing value-added, projected to rise to 49% by 2050. “China is very strong in all sorts of advanced manufacturing... in many cases it is almost entirely a Chinese concern.”

The gap is vast, according to another panelist: in 2023, China had 1,500 commercial ships under construction; the U.S. had three. Non-state firms drive export growth, crowding out for shrinking shares of foreign-led exports (60% to 30%). “There is plenty of profitable activity going on, especially in the non-state sector.”

Meanwhile, Made in China 2025 has paid dividends. “At a first approximation, it looks like a pretty good success,” said one panelist, citing EVs, clean tech, and automation, but admitted that weaknesses persist in sectors like semiconductors and aerospace. Nevertheless, China’s highly competent manufacturers, tech companies, and deep reservoir of human capital ensure that despite costly and inefficient industrial policies, China still has “a good amount of fuel left in the tank.”

Rather than stagnating like Japan in the 1990s, panelists agreed China would more closely resemble a “Leninist Germany”—an authoritarian state with a globally competitive, export-driven, tech-intensive economy.

China is very strong in all sorts of advanced manufacturing. In many cases it is almost entirely a Chinese concern.

An Enduring Value Proposition for the World, but Pushback is Growing 
Around the world China is embedding itself in local production ecosystems. Several panelists described how Chinese firms have established smartphone assembly plants in Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, and Indonesia. EV assembly and battery processing plants have followed, particularly in Zimbabwe and the DRC. In practice, countries receiving China’s investment often express more concern about being left behind by the West than overwhelmed by China.

China’s outbound investment is not just commercial; it is also strategic. As one panelist put it, this “industrial diplomacy” steers capital toward geopolitically friendly or economically useful countries—especially those with preferential trade access to the U.S. or E.U., like Mexico and Morocco—and away from places perceived as hostile, such as India.

This strategy has helped China rebuild global supply chains with itself at the center, creating new production ecosystems around batteries, robotics, AI, and advanced manufacturing. As one expert noted, firms like BYD, Xiaomi, and Huawei are at the core of “interlocking industrial ecosystems” that tie together multiple cutting-edge sectors across borders.

Yet pushback is growing. In 2023, 117 of 198 World Trade Organization complaints against China came from low- and middle-income countries. These nations aren’t rejecting Chinese investment, panelists pointed out—they’re renegotiating harder, hedging more, and believing less.

The conference underscored a world in flux—one where China’s industrial and technological dynamism continues to reshape global supply chains even as its assertive statecraft provokes growing resistance. While some panelists warned of the breakdown of integrationist hopes, others saw opportunity in a more defined and stable strategic rivalry, even if it takes the form of a new cold war. A key takeaway was the paradox of China’s global role: it remains an important source of growth and innovation, yet inspires distrust that is prompting nations to pursue more reciprocal, conditional partnerships. In navigating this uncertain era, both China and the West appear to be groping toward a new equilibrium—messy, complex, and decidedly post-unipolar.



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The second annual SCCEI China Conference, held at Stanford University on May 14, brought together leading scholars and policy experts. Panelists offered a candid, multifaceted view of China's global economic position, exploring its technological prowess, industrial diplomacy, and the increasingly complex global responses to its expanding influence.

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