Authors
Matthew Boswell
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

Governments, markets, and analysts in the United States and around the world frequently find themselves surprised by China’s capabilities in industries central to economic and national security—from artificial intelligence and robotics to pharmaceuticals, advanced manufacturing, and strategic supply chains. Episodes widely described as “DeepSeek moments” reflect more than isolated breakthroughs; they reveal a systematic failure to understand how China builds technological capacity and scales it with speed. At the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' third annual China Conference, leading academics and policy experts examined both the phenomenon and the repercussions of those assumptions. A common thread emerged: the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

A Sweeping Tech Ambition with Self-Sufficiency at the Core
Barry Naughton, a leading economist of China at UC San Diego, framed the stakes: China’s innovation apparatus, he argued, is not simply a set of R&D programs—it is part of an “across-the-board commitment” to recreate within China’s borders all of the sophisticated inputs required to run a modern economy. The goal, embedded in successive five-year plans, is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

This ambition carries enormous costs. Fiscal revenues as a share of GDP have fallen by roughly seven percentage points since 2015, Naughton noted, as resources have been channeled into industrial priorities. Local governments—many of them carrying deep deficits—continue to fund showy high-tech parks and innovation consortia in response to signals from Beijing. The result, as Naughton and others put it, is a system producing “impressive achievements alongside an enormous amount of waste.”

The goal is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

Semiconductors: The Limits of Containment?
The conference returned repeatedly to America’s use of export controls—and whether they are working. The verdict was nuanced. Philip Wong, the Willard R. and Inez Kerr Bell Professor of Electrical Engineering at Stanford, argued that in the semiconductor space the strategy has plainly backfired. By cutting China’s firms off from American chip-making equipment and advanced logic chips, the controls created a large captive domestic market for China’s equipment suppliers who previously had no customers. “It basically enabled the indigenous supply chains to have a wonderful set of customers within China,” Wong said, “and so they were able to climb up the learning curve really quickly, much more quickly than before.” Other speakers suggested that may be a tolerable cost as long as export controls allow the US to reach certain frontier capabilities first—as has been the case with Anthropic’s Mythos model.

Wong pushed back on both alarmism and dismissiveness about China's broader technological rise. China, he argued, has genuine world-class talent and infrastructure across multiple sectors—a peer competitor, not a pretender. "If you are among the best athletes, sometimes you win, sometimes other people win. That happens all the time." To treat any given Chinese breakthrough as proof of American collapse, or to wave it away as a fluke, both miss the point: China is, in his words, "a bona fide good athlete."

Wong’s recommended alternative to export controls was direct: rather than trying to slow a competitor, the United States should focus on “how do we make ourselves run faster.” That sentiment echoed throughout the day, particularly after he noted that the National Science Board had recently been dismissed and that American R&D funding continues to be primarily focused on defense-oriented research. 

Biotech: From Follower to Leading Force
Physician-scientist Chenjian Li, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, offered striking data on China’s advancement in biotech. In the active pharmaceutical ingredients that form the basis of medicines taken by hundreds of millions of Americans daily, China has achieved near-total global dominance—some categories are 100% Chinese-sourced. “Medicine, be it advanced experimental drugs, high-end prescriptions or just daily over-the-counter pills, are actually much more impactful than weapons of mass destruction,” Li said, “because they affect 80% of the United States and global population.”

At the cutting edge of drug discovery, the picture is more nuanced but equally notable. Chinese biotech startups are increasingly producing competitive "me-too, me-better" drugs that improve on existing treatments, and pushing into "first-in-class" drugs—the crown jewels of pharmaceutical innovation. Major multinational corporations (MNCs) are paying billions to acquire them. The fact that Pfizer, Merck, and Eli Lilly are spending at this scale, Li argued, says something important: “The MNCs buy those new therapeutic assets because they are solid and unique, and because the MNCs don’t think that they can be as fast and as good in those lines.”

Economist Ruixue Jia of UC San Diego connected this pharmaceutical surge to China’s education system, which has spent decades steering enormous numbers of students toward engineering and STEM fields, including biology and life sciences. The founder of one of last year’s biggest biotech deals—a $5.6 billion transaction—fit a pattern Jia’s research keeps finding: educated in China, PhD in Canada, postdoc in the United States, returned to China in 2008. “It’s not just a success story of Chinese education,” she noted. “It’s also a success story of North American education.”

Fragmentation and the AI Race
A central tension runs through the broader debate: what do the world’s two largest economies actually gain or lose from their escalating technological confrontation?

Tsinghua economist Hong Ma argued that, measured by its own goals, the American trade war has largely failed. US import dependence on Chinese value-added has remained roughly constant despite years of tariffs, as goods simply reroute through third countries. Beyond tariffs, he warned of a longer-term cost: fragmentation into two separate innovation ecosystems, neither large enough to fully benefit from the other. The US would lose access to the Chinese market, Chinese engineering feedback, and the scale that sustains rapid innovation. “On both sides,” he said, “this is not the optimal equilibrium.”

Panelists pointed to China’s open-weight AI models as evidence of a different kind of competition playing out below the frontier. China’s models from Alibaba, Moonshot AI, and others are being used across the globe—often simply because they are cheaper and good enough for most applications. In this way, big US labs may be ahead on raw benchmarks, but that advantage does not automatically translate into leading global adoption.

The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

Impressive Achievements, Costly Failures
Another useful synthesis came from Scott Kennedy of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Kennedy’s “bumpy success” framework holds that China’s innovation trajectory is clearly positive—it now ranks tenth globally on the Innovation Index, ahead of Japan in the Asia-Pacific—but deeply uneven across sectors. He described China as a “slow tech dragon”: vast misallocation of resources produces genuine breakthroughs alongside enormous waste, and that waste is a real drag on the broader economy. Commercial aviation was one such example—despite being a signature priority for China’s leadership and the single largest recipient of state investment, the result is, in Kennedy’s words, “an American plane with Chinese paint.” The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

That framework—impressive achievements, structural waste, uneven outcomes—runs as a quiet undercurrent through the broader debate. Structural challenges remain: a domestic market that cannot yet absorb the premium prices of cutting-edge drugs; an education system optimized for solving known problems rather than identifying unknown ones; and an economy in which the benefits of technological investment are not yet reaching ordinary households.

The picture that emerges resists easy predictions, but carries a clear message: the old frameworks—China as technological follower, export controls as sufficient means to maintain America’s remaining technological edge, global supply chains as something susceptible to political redirection—often no longer fit the evidence. The task now is building better ones.
 



Discover more from the 2026 SCCEI China Conference. 
 


Read More

Rush Doshi speaks behind a podium at the SCCEI China Conference
News

To Counter China's Scale, the U.S. Must Build Allied Scale, Reasons Rush Doshi

Rush Doshi, keynote speaker at the 2026 SCCEI China Conference, laid out an eight-point blueprint for transforming U.S. alliances into an engine of shared economic and industrial capacity.
To Counter China's Scale, the U.S. Must Build Allied Scale, Reasons Rush Doshi
Sean Stein addresses the audience during a keynote speech.
News

The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout

In a keynote address during the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, U.S.-China Business Council President Sean Stein cautioned that strategic miscalculations and trade tensions have left the U.S. economy with lasting setbacks—and few clear gains.
The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout
Elizabeth Economy speaks during a Fireside Chat.
News

Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy

At the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, Elizabeth Economy, Hargrove Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, outlined China’s ambitious bid to reshape the global order—and urged the U.S. to respond with vision, not just rivalry, during a Fireside Chat with Professor Hongbin Li, Senior Fellow and SCCEI Faculty Co-Director.
Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy
Hero Image
A panel of men sit at a long table on a stage.
Rod Searcey
All News button
1
Subtitle

SCCEI brought together leading China scholars this spring for its third annual China Conference under the theme “Understanding ‘DeepSeek Moments’ and China’s Innovation Ecosystem.” Conversation centered around the idea that the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

Image
Lantern exhibition in a city park in Dalian, China.
Title
China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
Aria Label
Read China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
Date Label
Display Hero Image Wide (1320px)
No
Authors
Heather Rahimi
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

The United States cannot match China's scale alone and pretending otherwise is a strategic mistake. That was the central message Rush Doshi delivered as keynote speaker at the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' 2026 annual China Conference, where he called on the U.S. to reimagine its alliance system as a platform for building shared capacity across military, economic, and technological domains.

Rush Doshi, the C.V. Starr Senior Fellow for Asia Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and an assistant professor at Georgetown's Walsh School of Foreign Service, previously served as Deputy Senior Director for China and Taiwan on the National Security Council (2021-24), where, for a portion of his tenure, he was the U.S. government’s lead action officer coordinating the negotiations that launched AUKUS, a trilateral security partnership for the Indo-Pacific region between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. He is also the author of The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order (Oxford University Press, 2021).

Doshi grounded his address in a historical argument: scale, which Doshi defined as “the ability to generate efficiency and productivity and thereby outcompete rivals,” has been the decisive factor in the rise and fall of great powers. Great Britain's eclipse by larger industrializing rivals in the late nineteenth century, he argued, offers a cautionary parallel for the U.S. today. "Today, that sense of daunting scale belongs to China," Doshi said, "and the United States appears to be in the position that Great Britain was in a century ago."

China's Scale Is Not Abstract
China's economy, measured in purchasing power, is now roughly 30 percent larger than that of the United States, and its share of global manufacturing quintupled in the two decades after joining the WTO, while the U.S. share fell by half. China has two to three times U.S. industrial capacity, 13 times U.S. steel production, and roughly 500 times U.S. shipbuilding capacity. It produces two-thirds of the world's electric vehicles, three-quarters of its batteries, and 90 percent of its solar panels and refined rare earths, and is at the leading edge of six of the ten industries expected to define the next industrial revolution.
That industrial strength is now translating into direct geopolitical leverage. Doshi pointed to China's weaponization of its rare earths dominance in 2025, which effectively forced the U.S. to walk back elements of its own trade and export control policies. "That marked the first time that an export control was used to force open market access," he said. "That's a massive moment in the history of trade.

The Case for Allied Scale
The answer, Doshi argued, is not to retreat into fortress America, a sphere-of-influence arrangement, or a China-led order, but to build what he calls "allied scale." A coalition of the U.S. and its key allies and partners would represent three times China's nominal GDP, twice its defense spending, and one and a half times its share of global manufacturing.

That advantage is entirely theoretical, unlocking its potential, though, is the central task of American statecraft in this century."
Rush Doshi

"That advantage is entirely theoretical," Doshi conceded. "Unlocking its potential, though, is the central task of American statecraft in this century." In practice, that might mean Japan and South Korea investing in American shipbuilding; Taiwan building semiconductor plants in the U.S.; allies co-producing advanced weapons systems; and all parties maintaining a shared tariff or regulatory wall against China's excess industrial capacity. On the economic side, Doshi called for common investment screening, coordinated industrial policy, and an "economic Article 5" ensuring that when China uses economic coercion against one ally, all respond together.

Addressing the Skeptics
Doshi acknowledged "the new pessimism," the view that Trump-era damage to U.S. alliances has made allied scale impossible. The strain is real, he said, but not terminal, for three reasons:

  1. The alternatives are worse. Spheres of influence, unrestrained multipolarity, and a China-led order all leave the U.S. and its partners poorer and less secure. 
  2. Alliances have absorbed serious shocks before and survived. For example, France's withdrawal from NATO's unified command, Nixon's opening to China, the Plaza Accord. 
  3. The underlying logic of interdependence persists. Allied economies are growing more dependent on U.S. markets as China buys less from them, allies are purchasing record numbers of American weapons, and even the Trump administration has not escaped the pull of allied scale, with Vice President Vance publicly calling for a trading bloc among allies to break China's chokehold on critical minerals.
Allied scale can't just be about balancing China, it has to be about building the kind of world that we want to see and live in.
Rush Doshi

Eight Principles to Achieve Allied Scale
Doshi closed with a practical blueprint — eight principles for building allied scale.

  1. Turn the page on the Trump era. Persuade allies that the most damaging recent policies were products of individual leadership rather than durable features of the American political system.

  2. Begin with humility. Start with small, achievable projects: a joint shipbuilding effort, a critical minerals offtake agreement, a co-production line. Build from there.

  3. Build mutually beneficial bargains. Allies invest in America; America invests in allies. All extend each other more preferential terms than they do to non-market economies like China.

  4. Pay attention to domestic politics. “The danger of the ‘Trump Approach’ is alienation and polarization of allied politics that makes diplomacy impossible.” Any allied scale strategy must be first grounded in domestic politics.

  5. Build ad hoc coalitions. Allied scale does not mean doing everything with everyone. It means assembling the right groupings for specific challenges and opportunities.

  6. Bolster credibility through congressional legislation. Executive orders are too easily reversed. Durable commitments to allies require legislative backing that is harder to undo with a change in administration.

  7. Build on existing platforms. Frameworks like the Quad, AUKUS, the U.S.-Japan-South Korea trilateral, and the G7 already exist. Allied scale should strengthen what works, not start from scratch.

  8. Articulate an affirmative vision. "Allied scale can't just be about balancing China," Doshi said. "It has to be about building the kind of world that we want to see and live in."


“That work is hard,” Doshi concluded, but “it's not impossible. And the alternatives are far more concerning than the future that I’m outlining.” Doshi ended his address on a note of optimism: a call to action for the U.S. to reforge our alliances and rebalance the world order to create a better world for not just the U.S., but for nations across the globe.



A full recording of Dr. Rush Doshi’s talk is available on YouTube and below.

Read More

A panel of men sit at a long table on a stage.
News

China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing

SCCEI brought together leading China scholars this spring for its third annual China Conference under the theme “Understanding ‘DeepSeek Moments’ and China’s Innovation Ecosystem.” Conversation centered around the idea that the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.
China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
Sean Stein addresses the audience during a keynote speech.
News

The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout

In a keynote address during the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, U.S.-China Business Council President Sean Stein cautioned that strategic miscalculations and trade tensions have left the U.S. economy with lasting setbacks—and few clear gains.
The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout
Elizabeth Economy speaks during a Fireside Chat.
News

Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy

At the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, Elizabeth Economy, Hargrove Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, outlined China’s ambitious bid to reshape the global order—and urged the U.S. to respond with vision, not just rivalry, during a Fireside Chat with Professor Hongbin Li, Senior Fellow and SCCEI Faculty Co-Director.
Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy
Hero Image
Rush Doshi speaks behind a podium at the SCCEI China Conference
Rod Searcey
All News button
1
Subtitle

Rush Doshi, keynote speaker at the 2026 SCCEI China Conference, laid out an eight-point blueprint for transforming U.S. alliances into an engine of shared economic and industrial capacity.

Date Label
Display Hero Image Wide (1320px)
No
Authors
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

While cigarette sales have fallen across much of the world, China has moved in the opposite direction. The trend is driven by the immense power of China's State Tobacco Monopoly Administration, which both regulates and profits from the industry. And as China's economy slows and traditional revenue sources like land sales decline, the government has become more dependent on tobacco revenue. According to Stanford anthropologist Matthew Kohrman, a faculty affiliate with APARC who studies smoking in China, this institutional reality is compounded by social factors. Citizens are turning to nicotine as a "mood modulator" to cope with economic stress, a habit made easier by the weak enforcement of smoking restrictions, Kohrman tells the New York Times. Read the article >

Read More

Hero Image
Portrait photo of Matthew Kohrman and logo of the New York Times with text "In the Media."
All News button
1
Subtitle

China’s tobacco monopoly has become so financially vital to the government that even its powerful leader has failed to curb the country’s smoking habit.

Date Label
Display Hero Image Wide (1320px)
Yes
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Subtitle

This study examines how center-based parenting interventions aimed at improving early child development in rural China affect the mental health of caregivers. Data from an analytic sample of 615 caregiver–child dyads (children aged 6 to 24 months, 48.5% girls; data collection: 2015–2017) in a 2-year cluster randomized controlled trial conducted in 100 villages showed that the intervention had no significant effect on caregiver depressive (β = − .047, SE = .079), anxiety (β = .040, SE = .076), or stress (β = .032, SE = .081) symptoms. Subgroup analyses found no significant difference in effects on mental health by prespecified characteristics after adjustment for multiple comparisons, except that the caregivers of children without social–emotional delay at baseline exhibited lower depression scores after the intervention (β = − .205, SE = .097, p = .043). The findings suggest that the center-based parenting intervention focused solely on strengthening parenting skills may be insufficient to improve caregiver mental health over 2 years.

Journal Publisher
Child Development
Authors
Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Subtitle

In rural China, there is an urgent need for investment and innovative approaches for addressing adolescent mental health issues. This embedded mixed-methods study examines the effectiveness of a social-emotional learning (SEL) program in rural primary schools across China and the factors affecting compliance among teachers delivering the program. Pre- and post-intervention surveys assessed its effect on 2027 students in 49 schools, and 38 teachers were interviewed during the intervention. Results show that SEL courses improved student mental health. Some teachers reported increased workload and lack of support, while others noted the importance of mental health education and positive student outcomes. Performance incentives and the positive perceptions of SEL among teachers were crucial for effective delivery, though workload and lack of support often limited commitment. Overall, enhancing rural students' well-being through SEL programs requires raising awareness for SEL among teachers and building institutional support.

Journal Publisher
Teaching and Teacher Education
Authors
Tianli Feng
Huan Wang
Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Subtitle

Objectives
Considering the importance of caregiver mental health for early childhood development, this study investigates risk and protective factors of mental health of mothers and grandmothers caring for infants and toddlers in rural China.

Methods
Using survey data from 777 primary caregivers of children aged 5 to 25 months, we apply regression analysis and structural equation modeling to examine associations between social support, mental health literacy, parenting-related hardships, and mental health among mothers and grandmothers.

Results
The study finds that 33% of the caregivers report symptoms of mental health problems, with grandmothers experiencing more severe symptoms. Poor caregiver mental health is associated with lower child language (p < 0.05) and social-emotional development (p < 0.001). Social support and mental health literacy are associated with better mental health, but this association was not statistically significant among either the mothers or the grandmothers alone.

Conclusions
Enhancing caregiver mental health is crucial for children’s development. Social support and mental health literacy are predictors of mental health. Future research should examine the effect of improving social support and mental health literacy on the mental health of caregivers for young children.

Journal Publisher
BMC Psychology
Authors
Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle

5th Floor
Encina Hall, East Wing

0
Visiting Student Researcher, Rural Education Action Program
yujiao_wang.jpg

Yujiao Wang is a Visiting Student Researcher at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions (2026-27). She is currently a PhD candidate at the China Institute of Rural Education Development, Northeast Normal University. Her research interests center on rural education and education policy, with a specific focus on the optimization of rural educational resource allocation.

Date Label

5th Floor
Encina Hall, East Wing

0
Visiting Student Researcher, Rural Education Action Program
huidi_liu.jpg

Huidi Liu is a Visiting Student Researcher at the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions (2026-27) and a Ph.D. candidate in social governance and public policy at Fudan University. Her research areas include social security and health policy, focusing on health insurance policy, digital healthcare and health inequality.

Date Label
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Subtitle

Purpose
While peer effects in education have been extensively studied in developed countries, there has been limited investigation of how physical proximity shapes academic achievement in rural educational settings. This study examines peer effects among primary school students in rural China and investigates whether these effects operate differently across student ability levels through distinct mechanisms.

Design/methodology/approach
Data from 2,956 primary school students across rural counties in Shaanxi Province, China, were analyzed. We employ an instrumental variable approach using physical distance between students in classroom seating arrangements to address endogeneity in peer group formation. Study group formation is measured through student-reported study partnerships, while academic performance is assessed using standardized mathematics test scores.

Findings
Study groups significantly enhance student achievement, with heterogeneous effects across ability levels. Middle tercile students show the strongest peer effects (0.318 standard deviations), compared to bottom tercile students (0.241 standard deviations). Mechanism analysis reveals that peer effects operate primarily through improved intrinsic motivation, enhanced self-concept, and reduced academic anxiety among middle-performing students, while effects for bottom tercile students operate through alternative pathways not captured in our measures.

Research limitations/implications
Our findings inform cost-efficient policy interventions in both educational institutions and corporate environments. The evidence indicates that optimizing spatial proximity in peer networks represents an efficient policy instrument for human capital accumulation, particularly valuable in resource-constrained settings, as it leverages existing human capital without substantial additional inputs.

Originality/value
This study provides the first evidence of peer effects using classroom seating arrangements as an identification strategy in a developing country/rural community context. The paper demonstrates that optimizing peer proximity represents a cost-efficient policy instrument for human capital development in resource-constrained rural areas, offering important implications for educational policy in agricultural communities where traditional educational resources are limited.

Journal Publisher
China Agricultural Economic Review
Authors
Scott Rozelle
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Subtitle

Caregivers' ability to access, engage with, and critically evaluate digital information on parenting practices (henceforth, “e-parenting literacy”) is emerging as an increasingly important determinant of early childhood development (ECD) outcomes. Therefore, the current study provides empirical evidence of the role of e-parenting literacy for ECD outcomes of 6- to 24-month-olds (N = 564) in rural households in a coastal province in East-China. The study focuses on the role of e-parenting literacy of the two most common types of primary caregivers (i.e., persons in charge of the daily care) of young children in the study region: mother and grandmother caregivers. Empirical results show that 76% of the primary caregivers (N = 429) are mothers, the remaining 135 primary caregivers are grandmothers. Overall, e-parenting literacy is found to be positively and significantly associated with children's early cognitive development outcomes. Furthermore, a heterogeneity analysis shows that e-parenting literacy is positively and significantly associated with children's early cognitive and language outcomes when the primary caregiver is a grandmother, but not when the primary caregiver is a mother. This may reflect greater heterogeneity in grandmothers' digital device use and e-parenting literacy, while most mothers already possess adequate e-parenting skills. Additionally, older children (i.e., 16- to 24-month-olds), who may require more advanced parenting skills than their slightly younger peers, are also found to benefit more from gains in e-parenting literacy. This research highlights how digital inclusion can help to bridge gaps in caregiving practices and developmental opportunities of young children growing up in developing settings.

Journal Publisher
International Journal of Social Welfare
Authors
Yun Shen
Scott Rozelle
Subscribe to China