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Du Guodong reports on REAP research in a special feature on left-behind children and boarding schools in the October 2015 issue of News China Magazine.

 

As millions of migrant workers flock to China's cities in search of factory jobs, they are leaving an estimated 60 million children at home in rural areas without one or both parents. In response, the government has invested heavily in boarding schools. However, these boarding schools often fail to meet students' basic needsboth physical and psychological. 

REAP launched the Dorm Managers in Rural Primary Schools project to address this issue. Dorm managers, who are responsibe for boarding students outside of the classroom, are often poorly trained, and their management approaches are frequently ad hoc, possibly leading to the extremely unsatisfactory living conditions found in many rural boarding schools. 

REAP evaluated whether a dorm manager training program could improve the health, behavior, and emotional state of boarding students. Overall, the training program was highly effective. Following the training program, fewer students reported feeling cold while sleeping, and fewer students experienced diarrhea. Students arrived to class more punctually and had fewer disciplinary problems. Finally, communication between dorm managers and students improved.

In a feature on left-behind children and boarding schools, News China Magazines discusses REAP's research within the broader context of what is being done to improve boarding school conditions.

"Over the years, China’s central government has attached growing importance to the problem of left-behind children, establishing boarding schools in rural areas across the country. In January 2015, the State Council, China’s cabinet, released its Guidelines on the Development of Children in Impoverished Regions (2014-2020), in which a comprehensive care system targeting left-behind children began to take shape, at least on paper. According to the plan, the number of boarding schools will be strengthened in 680 of China’s most impoverished rural counties."

"Nevertheless, according to a report on boarding school students in rural areas published by child welfare NGO Geluying, or “Growing Home,” the mental and emotional health of China’s boarding school students is a major concern. The organization surveyed nearly 100 boarding school students in 10 provinces between January 2012 and November 2014. They discovered that 47.3 percent of children surveyed suffered from acute “pessimism,” 63.8 percent said that they felt “lonely,” 17.6 percent suffered from depression and 8.4 percent exhibited suicidal tendencies. According to the Rural Education Action Program, a Sino-foreign joint evaluation organization that aims to inform education, health and nutrition policy in China, boarding school students have higher levels of anxiety and demonstrate poorer social skills than students who live at home."

Read the full article here.

 

 

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Matt Sheehan
China Correspondent, The WorldPost
August 27th, 2015

This article was reprinted with permission from the Huffington Post. To read the original piece, click here.

 

“You can put off building a highway or an airport, but you can’t put off nurturing a child."

This article is the first in a What’s Working series that looks at innovative policy solutions pioneered by the Rural Education Action Program (REAP), an impact evaluation organization that brings together researchers from Stanford University and China to forge new solutions in rural poverty alleviation.

 

DANFENG COUNTY, China -- The Shanghai stock market is in free fall, and pundits (and Donald Trump) are in a frenzy. Bubbles, booms and collapses are the bread and butter of China punditry -- they get clicks and boost ratings.

But if you want a glimpse into China’s economic future, tear yourself away from the stock tickers and take a look at Heigouhe (“Black Ditch River”) Village. It’s here in this forgotten corner of central China that a team of researchers from Stanford University and several Chinese institutions are untangling one of the country's greatest long-term economic challenges: tens of millions of rural kids growing up cognitively stunted, lacking the mental dexterity to learn or find work in the new China. 
 
Here in a courtyard used for threshing wheat, 53-year-old Liu Qiaoyun receives weekly lessons about the kinds of games and songs that will best stimulate the brain of her 3-year-old granddaughter, Peng Zhuohan. That’s a remarkable level of attention in a sleepy village known for its juicy peaches. But what's even more surprising is who’s giving the class: government bureaucrats charged with enforcing China's notorious one-child policy.
 
Using real-world experiments, rigorous statistical analysis and nursery rhymes, a trans-Pacific research team -- called the Rural Education Action Program -- is teaching parents and grandparents how to stimulate toddlers’ brains. During a recent pilot program, REAP teamed up with family planning officials to make weekly visits to rural households. There, they would bring toys and lesson plans for the week, teaching caretakers the games and leaving toys with the families.
 
“Cut the celery, cut the celery! Sprinkle the salt, sprinkle the salt!”
 
Liu chants in unison with her grandchild. They both mime a chopping motion and spice their invisible dish as the toddler giggles. It sounds like a silly kids' game, but silly kids' games provide exactly the kind of mental exercise that experts say will help Peng graduate from high school.
 
Research has shown that the first 1,000 days of a child’s life (defined to include time in the mother’s womb) comprise the single most crucial period for forging neural networks. Children deprived of proper nutrition and mental stimulation before their second birthday are more likely to grow up with a very low mental ceiling. Many will face an irreversible deficit of the verbal and math skills needed to make it in the 21st century. 
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Liu Qiaoyun (right) poses with her husband and two granddaughters. The family received weekly visits from family planning officials who taught them parenting techniques.

 
Rising wages mean China’s low-skill factory jobs are slowly evaporating, giving way to service sector work that requires a high school education. While kids growing up in Chinese cities get the attention and education needed to succeed in this new economy, many rural children spend these pivotal years in suffocating silence. 
 
Almost half of China's 1.3 billion people live in the countryside, including an estimated 60 million “left behind children” -- village kids raised by grandparents while their parents labor in faraway cities.  Elderly Chinese, many of whom lived through war, famine and abject poverty, often define good parenting as keeping a child clothed and fed. Newborns are often left to sit and stew in their own thoughts, while toddlers wander the courtyard by themselves. 
 
One REAP study found that 70 percent of babies in rural central China were significantly delayed in either cognitive or motor development.
 
Scott Rozelle, a Stanford economics professor who co-founded REAP, says the consequences are dire for these children and the future of China’s economy.
 
“You can’t go to high school, you can’t learn algebra, you can’t learn a foreign language, you can’t learn analytical sciences -- those guys are screwed,” Rozelle told The WorldPost. “How can you become a high-income country with a quarter of your population like that?”
 
If China hopes to make the leap from what it is -- a middle-income country with a per capita GDP just below the Dominican Republic -- into a wealthy country, it needs a well-educated population. Avoiding the treacherous “middle-income trap” (think Mexico or Thailand) requires China to switch economic gears from low-cost exports to services and innovation.
 
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Children play at the first parenting training center opened by REAP in Danfeng county.

Productive workers in a high-income economy need a high school education, but only 40 percent of rural Chinese children ever make it to high school. REAP believes those problems begin in infancy.
 
After learning about the importance of early childhood parenting, Liu shakes her head when thinking about the way she raised her own son. Back then, parenting was a strictly material proposition.
 
“We thought it was enough that he ate his fill, had enough to drink and had warm clothes to wear,” Liu told The WorldPost. “We didn’t know what to teach him. We just taught him to walk, to eat.”
 
Educating millions of caretakers about how to nourish their toddlers, both physically and mentally, requires marshaling major resources. To achieve that, REAP partnered with China's family planning bureaucracy just as the country began phasing out population controls (the "one-child policy" is a misnomer, because many rural Chinese and ethnic minorities are allowed to have two children). With obsolescence on the horizon, family planning officials leapt at the chance to make themselves a part of the new parenting education pilot program.
 
Rozelle was uninspired by his initial experience of China’s family planning cadres and their handiwork in the 1980s. While conducting household agricultural surveys, he could tell immediately if a family had three children -- family planning enforcers had confiscated almost all the furniture, leaving families with a few mats and chairs.
 
“We’re trying to take the world’s largest, most notorious bureaucracy -- a million people who are known internationally for fining people into poverty -- and suddenly you want them to go in and teach mom and grandma how to sing to their baby,” Rozelle said. 
 
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Family planning official Tang Hailan during a home visit for the REAP parenting training project.

The family planning participants in the pilot program first received a week of training about the importance of early childhood activities and how to teach them to parents. Then they began their weekly home visits, often setting off by motorcycle for remote hamlets.
 
The program represents a welcome change for the officials, who say the parenting training provides a refreshing break from their normal work.
 
“The families are happy to see me come,” said Li Bo, a local family planning official who worked as a parenting trainer for four families. “At the beginning, they didn’t believe us, didn’t understand. Now they’re really welcoming. They call me a lot and it’s really pretty moving.”
 
What separates REAP from traditional aid groups is its commitment to scientifically quantifying the impact of its interventions, and turning those interventions into government policy.
 
REAP is part of a new school of thought in development economics that conducts real-world experiments using randomized controlled trials -- the gold standard for impact evaluation. All projects have an intervention group (in this case, families who receive parenting training visits) and a control group (those who don’t), and both groups receive standardized assessments before and after the experiment.
 
Those assessments allow REAP to evaluate best practices: Is it more cost effective to give malnourished students an egg or a nutrition packet? Can government subsidies for parents keep kids in school?  Based on the answers, REAP can tweak interventions for maximum impact.
 
REAP is currently adjusting its parenting intervention, shifting its focus from providing home visits to teaching classes at parenting centers, where kids can play every day. Twenty centers are set to be constructed this fall, laying the groundwork for a statistical comparison to determine whether the centers are more effective than home visits -- or no intervention whatsoever. 
 
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Children play at the new parenting training center in Shaanxi province.

This level of precision gives more weight to REAP’s policy recommendations. REAP’s China director, Zhang Linxiu, holds a prestigious post in the Chinese Academy of Sciences, meaning the group has the ear of China’s highest officials. China’s premier has already read over twenty policy briefs from REAP, and turned some into national policy.
 
The parenting training project is in its early stages, but REAP’s leaders in China and California hope that the data they’re collecting now will change the way China invests in its economic future.
 
“You can put off building a highway or an airport, but you can’t put off nurturing a child,” Zhang Linxiu said. “If you delay construction of highways by a couple years, you’ll have some economic loss, but if you put off nurturing a child by a couple years, then you’re losing a generation.” 

 

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We estimate the impact of two early commitment of financial aid (ECFA) programs—one at the start and one near the end of junior high school (seventh and ninth grades, respectively)—on the outcomes of poor, rural junior high students in China. Our results demonstrate that neither of the ECFA programs has a substantive effect. We find that the ninth-grade program had at most only a small (and likely negligible) effect on matriculation to high school. The seventh-grade program had no effect on either dropout rates during junior high school or on educa- tional performance as measured by a standardized math test. The seventh-grade program did increase the plans of students to attend high school by 15%. In examining why ECFA was not able to motivate significant behavioral changes for ninth graders, we argue that the competitiveness of the education system successfully screened out poorer performing students and promoted better performing students. Thus by the ninth grade, the remaining students were already committed to going to high school regardless of ECFA support. In regards to the results of the seventh grade program, we show how seventh graders appear to be engaged in wishful thinking (they appear to change plans without reference to whether their plans are realistic).

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James Chu
Scott Rozelle
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The goal of this study is to examine whether promising a conditional cash transfer (conditional on matriculation) at the start of junior high school increases the rate at which disadvantaged students matriculate into high school. Based on a randomised controlled trial (RCT) involving 1418 disadvantaged (economically poor) students in rural China, we find that a CCT voucher has no effect on increasing high school matriculation for the average disadvantaged student. The CCT voucher also has no differential impact on students at any point in the distribution of baseline academic achievement. This result suggests that CCTs, while shown to be effective in many contexts, do not always work.

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This article is part of a 12-part Caixin Magazine column series by REAP co-directors Linxiu Zhang and Scott Rozelle. Read the full series here.

 

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China’s vocational education is training technical workers for skills that will soon no longer be needed.

About ten years ago, policymakers universally agreed on “China’s shortage of skilled workers,” and China invested a large amount of money into vocational education and training. 

The government decided that not only did academic high schools need to expand recruitment, but that a new brand of vocational education should also be spread across the country. The goal was to allow half of students graduating from middle school to enroll in vocational schools and become the skilled workers that enterprises need.
 
Policymakers believe this is already benefitting students, as well as factories and enterprises within China. Therefore, China successively invested several hundred billion dollars in the program.
 
However, we think this was not a wise choice. 
 
We believe that the vocational education and training system is the least effective component within China’s education system. Even if China’s vocational schools could do as well as those in Germany, the current plan for sustaining and expanding vocational education has many flaws. In many places in China, vocational education and training is simply pulling China’s development into decline. 
 
Most importantly, the goal behind China’s push to develop vocational education is fundamentally flawed. 
 
Recently, Harvard University’s William Peterson and Stanford University’s Eric Hanushek published a book emphasizing that many countries, including China and the US, all fall prey to the same errors. For these countries, the goal of education is present advancement or short-term economic development. In contrast, Peterson and Hanushek believe that the purpose of developing education should be to advance economic development in 20 years and to prepare students to work 20 years in the future. 
 
These two scholars point out that countries that have successful education systems are not those countries that vigorously prepare technical workers for today’s economy, but those countries that foresee the economic picture as it will be in 2030.  
 
This does not mean that all vocational education and training systems suffer from myopia. Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands all have very successful vocational education and a large number of vocational schools. 
 
However, the vocational education systems in Germany and China have fundamental differences. The Germans have known for decades that the role of vocational education is not to develop skilled workers trained for special jobs. Their vocational education system was designed so that students could meet success in the future in a number of areas. Therefore, students are required to comprehensively study many subjects, including math, science, Chinese, integrated circuitry, etc. Most of the jobs that were crucial to the economy 20 years ago no longer exist. Everything changes quickly, thus “learning mastery” is more important than learning a single skill that may change in a short time from being considered specialized to vanishing as a job altogether. 
 
As a result, students at Germany’s vocational schools spend 80% of their time learning comprehensive knowledge and skills. German vocational schools don’t just teach students specialized skills so that they can immediately go out and find a technical job. Students have a strong grounding in basic skills, ensuring that they can continuously learn. 
 
Compared to Germany’s vocational students, who spend 20% of their time learning “specialized” knowledge, China’s vocational students spend essentially all of their time learning specific skills. Therefore, when China’s vocational students intern, they do nothing more than repeatedly practice the specific skill they have learned. While Germany’s vocational education system is training human capital for the future, China’s vocational education is training skilled workers for requirements that will soon fade away.  

However, new research shows that even farsighted vocational education is still inferior to attending academic high school everyday.  

Another article written by Hanushek and others points out that there are major differences in the long-term labor market between most countries that accept students into vocational education (i.e. Germamy and Denmark) and those countries that require practically every student to attend academic high school (i.e. the US, France, and Canada). The unemployment rate, retirement age, and income for older-age workers in Germany and Denmark are higher, earlier, and lower, respectively, than those in the US, France, and Canada. The most rational reason for this is that workers in Germany and Denmark are not learning enough in vocational school, which impacts their ability to adapt and learn new skills. This in turn influences their ability to take on new work.
 
Considering Germany and Denmark’s combined experience, we can see that even with the best vocational education, the labor market performance of workers graduating from vocational schools is still inferior to that of those with an academic high school education. 
 
In other words, the lesson is the same: what workers need most from education is to develop a solid comprehensive foundation of fundamental skills; otherwise, it will be difficult to adapt and learn new knowledge. In China, education is wrongly treated as part of the economic plan. It is our assessment that China’s government should evaluate the current goals and scope of vocational education and training; otherwise, the pernicious effects of inappropriate policies will be felt in the not so distant future.   
 

 

About this series:

REAP co-directors Scott Rozelle and Linxiu Zhang wrote a ten-part series for Caixin Magazine titled, "Inequality 2030: Glimmering Hope in China in a Future Facing Extreme Despair." See below for more columns in this series:

> Column 1: Why We Need to Worry About Inequality

> Column 2: China's Inequality Starts During the First 1,000 Days

> Column 3: Behind Before They Start - The Preschool Years (Part 1)

> Column 4: Behind Before They Start - The Preschool Years (Part 2) 

> Column 5: How to Cure China's Largest Epidemic

Column 6: A Tale of Two Travesties

>Columns 7 & 8: China's Widest Divide

> Column 9: China's Most Vulnerable Children

> Column 10: Why Drop Out?

> Column 11: The Problem with Vocational Education

> Column 12: Reforming China's Vocational Schools (in Chinese)

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This article is part of a 12-part Caixin Magazine column series by REAP co-directors Linxiu Zhang and Scott Rozelle. Read the full series here.

 

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Over one million middle school students in rural China drop out every year. Though the reasons for dropping out are clear, it is difficult to find any way to improve.

Education, especially at the secondary school stage, is considered the most important driver of a country’s economic development. Since World War II, many countries have transitioned from middle-income to high-income countries, and secondary school enrollment rates have increased alongside economic development. However, this is not so for China. Especially in rural China, the proportion of students in impoverished areas that complete secondary school is very low, with less than 40% of students attending high school. In cities, the percentage is 90%.  
 
Although high school is very important, it still does not fall within the category of compulsory education in China. The more serious problem is that the dropout rate of rural Chinese students is also extremely high. The Rural Education Action Program (REAP) research team understands that the dropout rate for middle school students in rural China is much higher than official statistics show. 
 
We have engaged in numerous research projects related to the rural middle school student dropout problem. The results of five large-scale randomized controlled trials conducted at 262 middle schools across 3 provinces, show that the problem is clearly getting worse. Over the past five years, we have interviewed a total of 18,474 middle school students across different grades. In September, we first interviewed students who had just started middle school. 10 months later, in June of the next year, we followed up. Although we frequently encountered challenges, we were able to confirm the whereabouts of every student. The results of the five studies revealed high dropout rates. 
 
Between the start of the first and second semesters, 4%-13% of students dropped out; between the start of the second and third semesters, 9%; and before graduation a further 4%-9% of students dropped out. Using these statistics, we can estimate the average middle school student dropout rate to be 24%, with an upper bound of 31%. Thus, the average dropout rate for all the areas in our study is estimated to be over 18%. This is much higher than the most recent official middle school dropout rate—2.6%—published by the Chinese government.  
 
Based on our research, over one million rural middle school students in China drop out every year. With their current education, once China enters the next level of development in which wages and the requirements of workers are both higher, they will inevitably lack competitive power in the job market. 
 
Why do middle school students drop out? REAP is the first organization to use progressive quantitative economic tools to conduct an analysis of this issue. Of REAP's five research programs related to middle school drop out, four explored the factors that influence school drop out. These four programs reached consistent conclusions. Students that drop out from school often have four characteristics: poor academic performance, male sex, comparatively older, and poor conditions at home. Additionally, our research also found that middle school students with emotional problems were more likely to drop out of school. 
 
Middle school drop out is a big problem. The majority of students that drop out do not return to school. Their math, Chinese, English, history, and computer skills are very poor.
 
We conducted further one-on-one interviews to better understand the specific factors influencing middle school students' education. We deduced the following notes from our recording tapes and notes.
 
The cost of schooling is an important reason behind why students drop out. “My parents have to work hard in order to pay for my schooling, and because of my low academic performance, attending school is a waste of money. If I don’t study and go to work, even if I cannot earn that much, I will at least be able to support myself.”
 
Some students expressed concern over uncertain costs and said that it was their choice to drop out of school despite the wishes of their family. Looking at our analysis, it could be that low performing students think that the benefits of continuing to attend school are rather low.  They say, “even if I could get a scholarship to cover all the expenses, it is still very difficult to attend high school. My academic performance is too poor and attending high school is a waste of money, so the best course of action is to find work and earn some money.”      
 
The majority of students think that academic performance is the most important reason their classmates choose to drop out. Some students with decent academic performance think the problem lies in the poor quality of the school, saying “I am not happy at this school. The teacher does not care about me at all. No one takes education seriously. No one should attend this school.” 
 
Additionally, we discovered that middle school students also face emotional pressure that could lead them to feel compelled to drop out of school. “I regret the path I chose that day. However, at the same time, I did not know that the work I would get after dropping out would be this bad.”
 
In reality, the main factors leading students to impulsively drop out of school are the emotional pressures and anxiety of attending school. This kind of pressure comes from many places, including the indifferent attitude of teachers, prejudice and playground bullying of classmates, friends urging friends to drop out, a lack of parental guidance, etc.  
 
Our research shows that the reasons behind why middle school students drop out are already clearly developed. Furthermore, because rural parents often have no choice but to part from their children, it is difficult to overcome these obstacles. For the time being, there remains a shortage of quick effective solutions, however these problems are solved. However, if decisive measures are not adopted now, this problem will continue, ultimately leading to human capital shortages in China’s future development that will be difficult to recover from.
 

About this series:

REAP co-directors Scott Rozelle and Linxiu Zhang wrote a ten-part series for Caixin Magazine titled, "Inequality 2030: Glimmering Hope in China in a Future Facing Extreme Despair." See below for more columns in this series:

> Column 1: Why We Need to Worry About Inequality

> Column 2: China's Inequality Starts During the First 1,000 Days

> Column 3: Behind Before They Start - The Preschool Years (Part 1)

> Column 4: Behind Before They Start - The Preschool Years (Part 2) 

> Column 5: How to Cure China's Largest Epidemic

Column 6: A Tale of Two Travesties

>Columns 7 & 8: China's Widest Divide

> Column 9: China's Most Vulnerable Children

> Column 10: Why Drop Out?

> Column 11: The Problem with Vocational Education

> Column 12: Reforming China's Vocational Schools (in Chinese)

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